The Two-Nation Theory, rooted in the historical, cultural, and religious differences between Hindus and Muslims in the subcontinent, led to the creation of Pakistan in 1947 as a sovereign Muslim state, ensuring the political, social, and ideological independence of its people.

Pakistan was created based on the Two-Nation Theory in the Indo-Pak Subcontinent, which asserted that South Asia comprised two nations—the Hindu nation and the Muslim nation. When the War of Independence in 1857-58 failed, it marked the end of centuries-old Muslim rule in the Subcontinent. The British colonial rulers dethroned the last Muslim ruler, King Bahadur Shah Zafar, imprisoned him, and exiled him to Rangoon, the capital of Burma (now Myanmar), where he later passed away. The British then introduced the concept of direct colonial rule in India. However, Sir Syed Ahmad Khan opposed this idea, emphasizing that India was home to two distinct nations—the Hindu nation and the Muslim nation.
To resist radical resistance to British rule, the British sponsored the Indian National Congress (INC) as a political party in India in 1885. Sir Syed Ahmad Khan opposed this and advocated for separate Muslim political representation. However, the Muslim Party was founded in Dhaka (formerly Dacca) on December 30, 1906, after Sir Syed’s passing. Opposing the concept of a joint electorate, the Muslim League advocated for separate electorates for Muslims in politics to safeguard their rights and ensure proper representation.
In December 1930, Allama Mohammad Iqbal, the poet-philosopher of Islam and Pakistan, extended this concept to the Muslim-majority areas, envisioning provinces that would later form a separate Muslim state. Building on this foundation, Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah, President of the All India Muslim League (AIML) and Founder of Pakistan, further elaborated on the Two-Nation Theory. He proposed the creation of Pakistan, comprising six provinces—Punjab, NWFP (now Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, KP), Balochistan, Sindh, Bengal, and Assam—in the historic Muslim League Resolution passed on March 23, 1940, in Lahore.
When Pakistan was created on August 14, 1947, Quaid-i-Azam stated in one of his speeches that while Hindustan had gained liberty after a long period of subjugation, for Muslims, it was a revival of their golden past, during which they ruled South Asia from 712 to 1857. However, in Pakistan, independence was achieved over a smaller territory compared to the vast expanse of the former Muslim Empire.

In December 1930, Allama Mohammad Iqbal, the poet-philosopher of Islam and Pakistan, extended this concept to the Muslim-majority areas, envisioning provinces that would later form a separate Muslim state.

Today, Pakistan comprises four provinces—Sindh, Punjab, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP), which includes the former North-West Frontier Province (NWFP) and the erstwhile Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA), and Balochistan—as well as two regions: Azad Jammu and Kashmir (AJK) and Gilgit-Baltistan (GB).
Although each province and region in Pakistan has its own distinct language, Urdu serves as the national language and lingua franca, while English, inherited from British rule, is used as the official language. The region’s geographical and cultural unity dates back centuries, shaped by common legal, religious, and traditional influences under Muslim rule. This shared historical background reflects a deep-rooted cultural and Islamic heritage.
Throughout history, the region’s geographical unity has played a crucial role, making it a vital strategic link between South Asia and Central Asia on one hand, and between China and the rest of the world on the other. The ongoing development of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), initiated by China, aims to revive ancient trade routes connecting Afghanistan, Central Asia, the Arabian Sea, and the wider Arab world.

Though diplomatic relations exist between Pakistan and India, India has never truly accepted Pakistan at heart. This dichotomy began during the tenure of Prime Minister Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, who served as India's leader for approximately 17 years.

The phenomenon of the anti-USSR war resurfaced during General Zia-ul-Haq’s regime (1979-1988) and again following the 9/11 attacks in 2001, during the International War on Terror (IWOT) in Afghanistan. These events once again brought Pakistan into global focus, particularly during General Pervez Musharraf’s era (1999-2008).
The success of the Pakistani people and Armed Forces in these conflicts can be attributed to the enduring spirit of the Two-Nation Theory, underscoring its independence on both national and international fronts.
It is also a reality that the Constitution of Pakistan (1973) remains intact and explicitly calls upon the government, judiciary, and parliamentary members to uphold loyalty to the ideology of Pakistan, which is based on the Two-Nation Theory. The ideological commitment remains strong within the Pakistani nation and serves as a significant check on the performance of various governments.
The issue of Islamization has also been effectively addressed, ensuring that the Constitution is not sectarian in nature, as it provides mechanisms for resolving sectarian differences. At the same time, parliamentary supremacy has been preserved. Thus, the Constitution accurately reflects the diverse dimensions of the Two-Nation Theory and embodies the will of the Pakistani nation.
Its Relevance in Modern Times
This time, March 23 serves as a reminder of another historic development—the revival of the Two-Nation Theory in Bangladesh. On August 5, 2024, a people’s revolution, led by university and college students and youth, ousted Sheikh Hasina’s government and brought Dr. Muhammad Yunus to power. His government not only celebrated the birth anniversary of Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah on December 25, 2024, in Dhaka but also commemorated December 30, 2024, as a tribute to the establishment of the All India Muslim League (AIML) on December 30, 1906, at the residence of Nawab Mohsin-ul-Mulk (late), then the Nawab of Dhaka.
This event marked the political foundation of Muslim sovereignty, affirming that the Muslims of the Indo-Pak subcontinent were a distinct nation who sought to establish their own political party against the Indian National Congress (INC), which represented the Hindu majority. It was a realization of Sir Syed Ahmad Khan’s vision, expressed in 1867 in Banaras, that the Muslims of India were a separate nation from the Hindus.
This reminds us of another fact of history, i.e., when Pakistan Resolution was moved in the Muslim League Session at Lahore on March 23, 1940, by  Moulvi A. K. Fazlul Haq, Chief Minister of Bengal, he made it clear that the Musalmans "have to stand on our own feet  and cannot rely on anybody."1 Now, as Bangladesh strives to stand on its own feet, distancing itself from India's influence—an approach previously imposed by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman (late) and continued by Sheikh Hasina—the new government in Bangladesh has begun to realign with its original ideological foundation, rooted in the Two-Nation Theory.
The Bangladeshi People's Revolution of July-August 2024 has ignited intense discussions regarding its impact on the Two-Nation Theory in South Asia. The revolution, which resulted in the overthrow of the Hasina-led government, is viewed by some as a revival of the Two-Nation Theory, which asserts that Muslims and Hindus are distinct nations that cannot coexist within a single state.
Bangladesh’s independence from Pakistan in 1971 was widely perceived as a departure from this theory. However, the recent revolution has sparked debates suggesting that Bangladesh is reasserting its Muslim identity and distancing itself from Indian influence, thereby reaffirming the Two-Nation Theory.
Key Factors Contributing to the Revival
Rejection of Indian Hegemony. The revolution was partly a response to the perceived Indian dominance over Bangladesh's politics and economy. This rejection of Indian influence has been seen as a reassertion of Bangladesh's Muslim identity and a revival of the Two-Nation Theory.

Islamic Revivalism. The revolution has also been characterized by a surge in Islamic revivalism, with many Bangladeshis seeking to reassert their Muslim identity and values. This trend has been seen as a further indication of the revival of the Two-Nation Theory.
Nationalism and Self-Determination. The revolution has also been driven by a desire for nationalism and self-determination, with many Bangladeshis seeking to assert their independence from Indian influence and forge their own path. This desire for self-determination has been a key factor in reviving the Two-Nation Theory.
Historical Background of Pakistan’s Independence
When Balochistan became part of the Islamic State of Medina in 644 AD, Abdullah was appointed as its first governor during the Caliphate of Hazrat Umar bin Khattab, the Second Pious Caliph of Islam, with Turbat as its capital. This marked the early foundations of what would later be recognized as the Two-Nation Theory, although states at that time were predominantly multinational. The concept of nation-states only emerged in modern times.
In 712 AD, Sindh and Multan were incorporated into the Umayyad Islamic Empire. The Muslim rule in the region further expanded by 1005 AD when Sultan Mahmud of Ghazni, whose sultanate was recognized by the Caliph of Baghdad, extended his rule to Punjab, Kashmir, KP (former NWFP), Sindh, and Balochistan. As a result, the present-day territory of Pakistan came under the rule of the Ghaznavid Sultanate. At the time, Afghanistan was also part of the Ghaznavid Empire, which was governed by a Turkish oligarchy. Pakistan remained under Ghaznavid rule until 1206 AD.

as Bangladesh strives to stand on its own feet, distancing itself from India's influence—an approach previously imposed by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman (late) and continued by Sheikh Hasina—the new government in Bangladesh has begun to realign with its original ideological foundation, rooted in the Two-Nation Theory.

Towards the end of the Ghaznavid era, Sultan Shahabuddin Ghori further expanded the Muslim empire. His political victory over Prithvi Raj, the Hindu ruler of India, in 1192 AD, led to the inclusion of Northern India, Bangladesh, West Bengal, Bihar, and Assam under Muslim rule. Qutbuddin Aibak was appointed as Governor/Viceroy, with Delhi and Lahore as the dual capitals of the expanding empire.
After the death of Sultan Shahabuddin Ghori in 1206, Qutbuddin Aibak declared himself the first Sultan of Delhi, marking the establishment of an independent kingdom, separate from the Ghaznavid empire. While the sultanate recognized the spiritual authority of the Abbasid Caliphate, it was not directly governed by it. Official recognition from the Abbasid Caliphate came later during the reign of Sultan Shamsuddin Iltutmish in 1229.
The Delhi Sultanate continued until 1526, when Zahiruddin Babur established Mughal rule with Delhi as its capital. The Mughal Empire ruled for an extended period, lasting until 1857. Following the failure of the War of Independence (1857-1858), the Indo-Pak subcontinent fell under the colonial rule of the British Raj.
This long period of Muslim rule created six Muslim provinces (Bengal, Assam, Punjab, KP (then NWFP, Sindh, and Balochistan) of the British Indian Empire, which consisted of 12 provinces. Under the long Muslim rule, a lot of cultural and social changes took place in these areas/regions, some of which are pointed out here:
The judiciary was independent throughout Muslim rule, functioning under Islamic law based on the Hanafi Fiqh. However, during the Mughal period, Qazis from other schools of thought, such as Maliki, Hanbali, Shafi'i, and Sadiqia, were also appointed in regions where there was demand for them. The Hindu population was governed under common criminal law, but in civil matters, Hindu law applied to Hindus, Sikh law to Sikhs, and so on.
The administration was fair and maintained complete control over all regions, ensuring the rule of law prevailed throughout the empire.
The government ensured the economic well-being of the people by closely monitoring markets and means of production.
The poor and orphans were properly cared for.
‘Mohtasibs’ were appointed to uphold morality and social justice.
Sufis and Khanqahs were specially protected by Sultans and Kings, who held Sufi saints in great reverence.
A strong, disciplined, and well-trained army was maintained. However, toward the end of the Mughal era, especially after the death of Emperor Aurangzeb, the military weakened, which ultimately contributed to the empire's downfall.
It was against this historical backdrop that, at the Allahabad Session of the Muslim League in December 1930, Allama Iqbal proposed that the Muslim-majority regions of the Indo-Pak subcontinent should be carved out as a separate Muslim state whenever India gained independence. Explaining the rationale for this Muslim state, Iqbal argued:
“It cannot be denied that Islam, regarded as an ethical ideal plus a certain kind of polity—by which expression I mean a social structure regulated by a legal system and animated by a specific ethical ideal—has been the chief formative factor in the life-history of the Muslims of India. It has furnished those basic emotions and loyalties that gradually unify scattered individuals and groups and finally transform them into a well-defined people with a moral consciousness. Indeed, it is no exaggeration to say that India is perhaps the only country in the world where Islam, as a people’s force, has worked at its best. In India, as elsewhere, the structure of Islam as a society is almost entirely due to the working of Islam as a culture inspired by a specific ethical ideal.”
“What I mean to say is that Muslim society, with its remarkable homogeneity and inner unity, has grown to be what it is under the pressure of the laws and institutions associated with the culture of Islam.”...
 The ideas set free by European political thinking, however, are now rapidly changing the outlook of the present generation of Muslims, both in India and outside India. Our younger men, inspired by these ideas, are anxious to see them as living forces in their own countries, without any critical appreciation of the facts that have determined their evolution in Europe.
At the time of the presentation of the Pakistan Resolution of March 23, 1940, Quaid-i-Azam, President of AIML, presented his long discourse on the background of the Pakistan Resolution, and he extended Iqbal’s rationale further in the following manner:
“It is extremely difficult to appreciate why out Hindu friends fail to understand the real nature of Islam and Hinduism. They are not religions in the strict sense of the word, but are, in fact, different and distinct social orders. It is a dream that the Hindus and Muslims can ever evolve a common nationality, and this misconception of one Indian nation has gone far beyond the limits, and is the cause of most of our troubles, and will lead India to destruction, if we fail to revise our notions in time. The Hindus and the Muslims belong to two different religious philosophies, social customs, and literature. They neither intermarry, nor eat together, and indeed they belong to two different civilizations which are based mainly on conflicting ideas and conceptions. Their aspects on life and of life are different. It is quite clear that Hindus and Mussalmans derive their inspiration from different sources of history. They have different epics, their heroes are different, and they have different episode. Very often the hero of one is a foe of the other, and likewise, their victories and defeats overlap. To yoke together two such nations under a single State, one as a numerical minority and the other as a majority, must lead to growing discontent and the final destruction of any fabric that may be so built up for the government of such a State”.²

Bangladesh’s independence from Pakistan in 1971 was widely perceived as a departure from this theory. However, the recent revolution has sparked debates suggesting that Bangladesh is reasserting its Muslim identity and distancing itself from Indian influence, thereby reaffirming the Two-Nation Theory.

Its Future Dimensions
Though diplomatic relations exist between Pakistan and India, India has never truly accepted Pakistan at heart. This dichotomy began during the tenure of Prime Minister Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, who served as India's leader for approximately 17 years.
When the first war between India and Pakistan took place from October 1947 to 1948, Nehru took the Jammu and Kashmir issue to the United Nations. The UN Security Council subsequently passed resolutions calling for a plebiscite in Jammu and Kashmir, which India initially agreed to. However, over time, India hypocritically deviated from this promise under various pretexts.

The merger of Jammu and Kashmir into the Indian Federation on August 5, 2019, under Prime Minister Narendra Modi, with the approval of the Indian Parliament, reflects that India has no intention of granting Jammu and Kashmir any special status. Instead, its ultimate goal appears to be the oppression of Muslims, forcing them to abandon Islam and assimilate into Hinduism if they wish to remain in India.

Why did Nehru deviate from his promise of holding a plebiscite in Jammu and Kashmir? The merger of Jammu and Kashmir into the Indian Federation on August 5, 2019, under Prime Minister Narendra Modi, with the approval of the Indian Parliament, reflects that India has no intention of granting Jammu and Kashmir any special status. Instead, its ultimate goal appears to be the oppression of Muslims, forcing them to abandon Islam and assimilate into Hinduism if they wish to remain in India.
This policy of systematically targeting Muslims is evident not only in Kashmir but also across India. The Indian Citizenship (Amendment) Act of 2019 directly challenges the nationhood of Indian Muslims, further marginalizing them. Additionally, institutional bias against Muslims, particularly within the judiciary, is apparent, as verdicts in cases involving Muslims often reflect Hindu bias—a pattern witnessed in numerous legal disputes, including the Babri Mosque case.
Indian hostility toward Pakistan extends beyond political decisions and is visible in other spheres, such as sports. A recent example is India’s refusal to send its cricket team to Pakistan for the ICC Champions Trophy, demonstrating deep-rooted animosity. This hostility stems from India’s unwillingness to accept the reality of Pakistan’s creation following the Partition of the Indo-Pak subcontinent. However, despite its efforts, the Indian government will not be able to alter this historical course.
With the recent revival of the Two-Nation Theory in Bangladesh, India is also considering other factors, such as the presence of large Muslim populations in neighboring Indian states, including Assam, West Bengal, and Bihar. Additionally, India is displeased with the presence of Muslim refugees from Myanmar (Burma) in Bangladesh. The substantial Muslim population surrounding Bangladesh is a concern for the Indian government, led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi.
In Assam, Muslims make up 34.22% (10.7 million) of the population. In Bihar, they constitute 16.86% (17.5 million), while in West Bengal, they account for 27% (29 million) of the total population. Moreover, around one million Muslims have migrated from Myanmar. In total, the Muslim population around Bangladesh amounts to approximately 48.2 million, alongside Bangladesh’s own 150 million Muslims. India views this demographic reality, coupled with Bangladesh’s growing assertion of the Two-Nation Theory, as a challenge to its anti-Muslim policies.
India finds it difficult to accept such a large Muslim presence on its eastern borders, in addition to Pakistan on the western front. This is one of the reasons why India continues to reject the historical reality of the Partition of the Indo-Pak subcontinent and seeks to isolate Pakistan on the international stage. Unless India comes to terms with these realities, the threat of conflict in South Asia will persist.

The writer is a former Director of the National Institute of Historical and Cultural Research and a Professor at the Quaid-i-Azam Chair (NIPS), Quaid-i-Azam University, Islamabad. 
E-mail: [email protected].

1. Syed Sharifuddin Pirzada, Foundations of Pakistan: All India Muslim League Documents 1906-1947, Vol. II, Islamabad. NIHCR, Quaid-i-Azam University, 2007, pp. 312-313.
2. Ibid., p. 309.