The creation of Pakistan on August 14, 1947, marked the realization of a long-standing historical aspiration, shaped by Muhammad Ali Jinnah's leadership and the Muslim League's vision. This new state emerged from the complex historical and cultural dynamics of the Indo-Pak subcontinent, reflecting a deep-rooted struggle for Muslim political identity and autonomy.

Historical Foundation
The establishment of Pakistan on August 14, 1947, was one of the greatest miracles in world history, resulting in the creation of the largest Muslim state in South Asia. The greatest leader who crowned this victory and endured immense pain in his decade-long struggle and difficult negotiations was Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah. He negotiated not only with the British colonial rulers and prominent Indian National Congress (INC) leaders, including Mahatma Gandhi and Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, but also with other leaders of smaller communities.
He strongly believed in the historical foundation of Pakistan, and for this reason, he presented his arguments based on Pakistan's historical basis in a number of meetings from April 5 to June 3, 1947. Lord Mountbatten initially came to British India to transfer power to the Congress leaders as a united India. However, the skillful handling of the complex political situation by Muhammad Ali Jinnah convinced and persuaded Lord Mountbatten and his staff, through arguments and facts based on Pakistan's historical foundation, that British India would have to be divided. The difficulty for Mountbatten was that he was committed to Nehru to keep India united. But seeing the strong force of Jinnah's arguments, Mountbatten had to accept the idea of partitioning India, not as desired by Jinnah but as a "truncated" Pakistan, to which the Congress leaders partially consented secretly with the Viceroy. Thus, Mountbatten announced in his staff meeting on April 21 that British India would have to be divided. Before this announcement, Mountbatten secured the willingness of Gandhi, Nehru, Menon, Sardar Patel, Master Tara Singh, Gianni Kartar Singh, Sardar Baldev Singh, Kriplani, and Abdul Ghaffar Khan. Why Nehru and other Congress leaders agreed to this partition was later explained by Nehru himself. In 1956, after the partition, Nehru told his biographer Leonard Mosley that “we accepted partition” in the hope “that partition would be temporary and that Pakistan was bound to come back to us."¹
As a result of the long Muslim rule in the Indo-Pak subcontinent from 712 to 1857, two nations emerged: Hindus and Muslims. Under the Government of India Act 1935, there were eleven provinces in British India. Five of these were Muslim-majority provinces in terms of their population: Punjab, Sindh, North West Frontier Province (now Khyber Pakhtunkhwa), Bengal, and Assam. The All India Muslim League (AIML) claimed that there was a sixth Muslim-majority province, Balochistan, which, under the 1935 Act, was not granted the status of a province but was termed British Balochistan and directly ruled by the Viceroy through his agent. As the majority of its population was Muslim, it was included as the sixth Muslim province. Thus, under the Pakistan Resolution of March 23, 1940, Quaid-i-Azam demanded that these six provinces be part of Pakistan. This formed one nation of the Muslims of the Indo-Pak subcontinent.
The remaining six provinces were Hindu-majority provinces in terms of population. Jinnah termed these six Hindu provinces—UP, CP, Madras, Bombay, Bihar, and Orissa—as part of the Hindu nation. Thus, historically and culturally, two major nations emerged in the subcontinent. Under the Partition Plan of June 3, 1947, the British, Congress, and Muslim League leaders developed an agreement or settlement. They accepted the principle of partition, but in terms of details, three provinces—Punjab, Bengal, and Assam—were divided according to this plan. It was agreed that the partition of these provinces would be done based on district-wise population, but even this principle was violated in the case of Punjab. Three tehsils of the Gurdaspur district, which were Muslim-majority areas, were supposed to be given to Pakistan but were wrongly given to Hindustan under the Radcliffe Award of 1947, which caused the Kashmir dispute between India and Pakistan, a conflict that still lingers. This violation was done to give geographical access to Kashmir to Hindustan; otherwise, the only geographical link was either through Sialkot or Rawalpindi, which came over to Pakistan.
Initially, Jinnah did not agree with the principle of partition, as shown by his statement of April 30, 1947, published in the Dawn on May 1, 1947. Jinnah also sent a copy to the Viceroy.² This important document has not been included in the Transfer of Power Volumes.³ Jinnah's stance on the issue of Partition was very clear, as depicted by this statement:
“Principle of Partition
I should like to point out that there is a great deal of confusion created on purpose. The question of the division of India, as proposed by the Muslim League is based on the fundamental fact that there are two nations—Hindus and Muslims and the underlying principle is that we want a national home and national state in our homelands, which are predominantly Muslim and comprise the 6 units of the Punjab, NWFP, Sind, Baluchistan, Bengal and Assam. This will give the Hindus their national home and national state of Hindustan, which means three-fourths of British India.

Iqbal demands that Pakistani rulers and scholars develop their own viewpoint of Muslim culture, which should become a source of strength for the Muslim world as a whole or at least for the Muslim countries of Asia.

Now the question of partitioning Bengal and the Punjab is raised not with a bona fide object but as a sinister move actuated by spite and bitterness as they feel that India is going to be divided, firstly, to create more difficulties in the way of the British Government and the Viceroy, and secondly to unnerve the Muslims by opening and repeatedly emphasizing that the Muslims will get a truncated or mutilated, moth-eaten Pakistan.
This clamour is not based on any sound principle except that the Hindu minorities in the Punjab and Bengal wish to cut up this province and cut up their own people into two in these provinces.
Hindu Homelands
The Hindus have their homelands. As I said, consisting of six vast provinces. Merely because a portion of the minorities in the Pakistan provinces have taken up this attitude, the British Government should not countenance it because the result of that will be, logically, that all other provinces will have to be cut up in a similar way, which will be dangerous, as to embark on this line will lead to the breaking up of the various provinces and create a far more dangerous situation in the future than at present.
If such a process were to be adopted, it would strike at the root of the administrative, economic and political life of the provinces which have for nearly a century developed and built up on that basis and has grown and is functioning under the present Constitution as autonomous provinces.
Beware of the Trap
It is a mistake to compare the basic principle of the demand of Pakistan and the demand of cutting up the provinces throughout India into fragmentation. I do hope that neither the Viceroy nor His Majesty’s Government will fall into this trap and commit a grave error.
It is obvious that if the Hindu minorities in Pakistan wish to emigrate and go to their homelands of Hindustan, they will be at liberty to do so and vice-versa those Muslims who wish to emigrate from Hindustan can do so and go to Pakistan; and sooner or later exchange of population will have to take place and the Constituent Assemblies of Pakistan and Hindustan can take up the matter, and subsequently the respective Governments in Pakistan and Hindustan can effectively carry out the exchange of population wherever it may be necessary and feasible.
The Congress propaganda is intended to disrupt and put obstacles and obstructions and difficulties in the way of an amicable solution. It is quite obvious that they have put up the Hindu Mahasabha in Bengal and the Sikhs in the Punjab, and the Congress Press is inciting the Sikhs and misleading them. The Sikhs do not stand to gain by the partition of the Punjab, but they will be split into two halves. More than half of their population will have to remain in Pakistan even if a partition of the Punjab takes place according to their connotation, whereas in Pakistan, as proposed by the Muslim League they will play, as one solid minority, a very big part. We have always been very willing to meet them in every reasonable way.
Besides, the White Paper of February 20 lays down that power will be transferred to authority or authorities which will be made in a manner that will be smooth and create the least amount of difficulties and trouble.⁴
Clear-cut Road
If power is to be transferred to various governments, it can only be done successfully to the Pakistan group and the Hindustan group, which will establish stable, secure governments and will be able to run these governments peacefully and successfully.
The transfer of power to Pakistan and Hindustan governments must mean a division of the defenses as a ‘sine qua non’ of such a transfer and the defense forces should be completely divided—and in my opinion can be divided before June 1948—and the states of Pakistan and Hindustan should be made absolutely free, independent and sovereign. This is a clear-cut road and the only practical solution of India’s constitutional problem.”
This statement was considered very important and was reported to the higher British circles in England before Jinnah could send its copy to the Viceroy.⁵ This shows how much the British Prime Minister, his Cabinet, and the British parliament were concerned about the creation of Pakistan and about what Quaid-i-Azam was thinking.
As circumstances developed, Jinnah, being a farsighted leader, had to agree to the partition issue, and it was his vision that led to the creation of Pakistan on August 14, 1947. Thus, it was considered the culmination of the long struggle initiated by Sir Syed Ahmed Khan, who introduced the concept of a Muslim nation in South Asia. For this reason, Sir Syed guided Muslims after the establishment of British rule in 1858, advising them not to join politics or the Indian National Congress (INC) when it was established in 1885 as a predominantly Hindu organization. Sir Syed's motive was first to create a sizeable, moderate, and educated Muslim youth. Once this was achieved, his associates—such as Nawab Salimullah Khan, Nawab Mohsinul Mulk, Sir Aga Khan, and others—established the All India Muslim League (AIML) in December 1906 as a separate political party for Muslims. It was through this platform that Muslim politics remained active.

Allama Mohammad Iqbal, a great poet and philosopher of Islam and Pakistan, presented his concept of a Muslim state in South Asia in December 1930, based on sound historical, cultural, religious, legal, political, and geographical realities. 

Quaid-i-Azam was first honored as the Honorary President of the Lucknow Session of the AIML held in December 1916, when the Lucknow Pact was concluded between the Muslim League and the Congress. In 1919, Jinnah was elected President of the AIML for a three-year term. He was continuously re-elected as President every three years until the creation of Pakistan in 1947. However, from 1931 to 1934, he did not serve in this capacity because he was in England. During Jinnah's absence from British India, the Muslim League was divided into two factions. He was invited back to India in March 1934 specifically to reunite the Muslim League. Jinnah returned, was re-elected as President of the Muslim League in March 1934, and then went back to London. He traveled back to Bombay in December 1934 and reached India on January 4, 1935.
From this party's platform, Allama Mohammad Iqbal, a great poet and philosopher of Islam and Pakistan, presented his concept of a Muslim state in South Asia in December 1930, based on sound historical, cultural, religious, legal, political, and geographical realities. Chaudhry Rahmat Ali coined the word "Pakistan" on this basis. Quaid-i-Azam worked tirelessly to make this concept a reality through his diligent politics and negotiations with British Viceroys, Lord Linlithgow, Lord Wavell, and Lord Mountbatten. He also confronted his opponents, such as Gandhi and Nehru, to convince them of the idea of Pakistan. The present writer has addressed these arguments in a separate book, Pakistan Movement: New Dimensions 1935-1948, published in 2017.
In this connection, Syed Sharifuddin Pirzada did the first pioneering work when he published his two volumes, Foundations of Pakistan 1906-1947, in 1969. Later, in 2007, when the present writer was Director of the National Institute of Historical and Cultural Research, Quaid-i-Azam University, Islamabad, Pirzada revised and updated these volumes and published them in three volumes.⁶ A selection from this with some additional documents was authored by this writer and published by Inter Services Public Relations (ISPR) in 2018 as Foundational Thoughts of Pakistan 1867-1947, Rawalpindi, ISPR, 2018.⁷ This work needs to be enhanced further.
The Evolution of Pakistan: From Early Challenges to Contemporary Achievements
Since its inception in 1947, Pakistan has traversed a complex and eventful journey up to 2024. Throughout this history, the nation has faced significant challenges and tragedies. The first tragedy was the death of Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah, just 13 months after the creation of Pakistan. This was followed by the assassination of Liaquat Ali Khan, the first Prime Minister of Pakistan, on October 16, 1951, in Rawalpindi, where he was about to address a public gathering. The third tragedy occurred when Khawaja Nazimuddin, the second Prime Minister, was dismissed by Ghulam Mohammad, the Governor-General of Pakistan, shortly after securing a vote of confidence from the Parliament. The fourth major setback was the dissolution of the first Constituent Assembly of Pakistan in October 1954, despite its near completion of the constitution-making process. 
Despite these challenges, an impartial historian would recognize that Pakistan has made significant progress in terms of social life compared to before 1947. Despite the conspiracies and obstacles, both national and international, Pakistan has emerged as a Muslim country with nuclear capability. The Pakistan Army has also advanced, becoming one of the prominent military forces in the world, notably defeating the former Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) in the 1980s. Since September 11, 2001, Pakistan has successfully navigated the War on Terror. Although the threat persists, the heroic Pakistan Armed Forces continue to meet these challenges effectively.
However, the blending of Islamic thought with modern democratic ideas remains a challenge for Pakistani society and politics. This integration is expected to evolve positively in the near future. Unfortunately, traditional Ulema and Islamic scholars teaching in various Madrassahs and universities in Pakistan have largely failed to address this challenge. Many lack the wisdom and modern worldview of Islam envisioned by Allama Muhammad Iqbal.
What Allama Iqbal Wanted?
While addressing the Allahabad Session of the AIML on December 29, 1930, Allama Iqbal thus concluded his address: "In conclusion, I cannot but impress upon you that the present crisis in the history of India demands complete organization and unity of will and purpose in the Muslim community, both in your own interest as a community, and in the interest of India as a whole. The political bondage of India has been and is a source of infinite misery to the whole of Asia. It has suppressed the spirit of the East, and wholly deprived her of that joy of self which once made her the creator of a great and glorious culture. We have a duty towards India, where we are destined to live and die. We have a duty towards Asia, especially Muslim Asia. And since seventy millions of Muslims in a single country constitute a far more valuable asset to Islam than all the countries of Muslim Asia put together, we must look at the Indian problem not only from the Muslim point of view, but also from the standpoint of the Indian Muslim as such. Our duty towards Asia and India cannot be loyally performed without an organized will fixed on a definite purpose.”⁸
Suppose we analyze this statement after 96 years. In that case, Iqbal demands that Pakistani rulers and scholars develop their own viewpoint of Muslim culture, which should become a source of strength for the Muslim world as a whole or at least for the Muslim countries of Asia.
Nation-building and Development Defined
Nation-building and development strengthen a nation by fostering national identity through social harmony and economic growth. Strengthening national identity involves the propagation of national norms and historical traditions through accessible mass education, available to all members of society. It also includes providing healthcare to even the poorest segments, offering public goods and utilities at affordable rates, and training people to foster morality and human values while meeting the economic needs of the lowest segments of society.
What Type of Society is Pakistan?
Pakistani society is predominantly a Muslim society. But what type of Muslim society is it? First, it's important to note that there are about 60 Muslim countries in the world. Although all adhere to the same religion, each claims a distinct identity. This distinction arises from the unique geography, environment, local norms, and traditions that shape each state within the same religious framework. This reflects an inward Islamic ummah-centric tendency, with a pluralistic pattern developing in different geographical environments.
Pakistani society is based on Islam, with over 95 percent of its population being Muslim. However, the Muslim population is divided into various sectarian groups. The overwhelming majority are Sunni Muslims, though they are further divided into several subsects. Shias constitute a minority. In addition to Muslims, there are non-Muslims in Pakistan, including Hindus, Sikhs, Christians, Parsis, and followers of other faiths. Despite these differences, all these groups are integral parts of the same Pakistani nation.
Historical Legacy
When we think about the Pakistani nation, we must remember its long historical legacy. Pakistan has a history extending back to ancient times, but compared to other countries, Islam faced different challenges in the Indo-Pak subcontinent. While many regions historically encountered challenges from Judaism, Christianity, and Zoroastrianism, Pakistan faced challenges from Hindu and Buddhist religions. When Islam entered the subcontinent, it faced significant challenges. Muslim rulers, starting with Muhammad bin Qasim (712-715 AD), along with Ulema and Sufis, confronted these challenges and established Islamic norms and culture, which shaped the region's identity. This identity was preserved and further developed by successive rulers such as the Ghaznavids, Ghorids, Delhi Sultans, and Mughals.
This Islamic culture and civilization were so well-established that even under British colonial rule, it could not be diminished. Ultimately, it was on this basis that the majority of Muslim areas of the subcontinent were carved out to form the modern state of Pakistan. Thus, Pakistan emerged on the world map on August 14, 1947, as the largest Islamic state in the world. According to Quaid-i-Azam, the father of Pakistan, and Allama Iqbal, the poet and philosopher of Pakistan, the country was to engage with the world while upholding its Islamic traditions developed over centuries. These aspects were successfully incorporated into the Constitution of Pakistan in 1973. After a long period, in 2010, the Pakistani Parliament amended it to better reflect Islamic values and provincial autonomy. 

The writer is a former Director of the National Institute of Historical and Cultural Research and a Professor at the Quaid-i-Azam Chair (NIPS), Quaid-i-Azam University, Islamabad. 
E-mail: [email protected].

1.      Leonard Mosley, Last Days of the British Raj, Hercourt Bruce, America, 1961.
2.      Mountbatten Papers, Eur. MSS, F.200/208, British Library (OIOC Collection), London. Most of the Pakistani and foreign authors/biographers of Jinnah and the Pakistan Movement have ignored this press statement.
3.      Ibid.
4.      Mountbatten Papers, Eur. MSS, F.200/208, British Library (OIOC Collection), London. Most Pakistani and foreign authors/biographers of Jinnah or the Pakistan Movement have ignored this press statement.
5.     Ibid.
6.     S.S.Pirzada, Foundations of Pakistan, 3 volumes, 2007-2008.
7.     Riaz Ahmad, Foundational Thoughts of Pakistan 1867 – 1947, Rawalpindi, ISPR, 2018. 
8.     Pirzada, Foundations of Pakistan, vol. II, pp. 146-147.